Lesson Plan Two

Grade level: Middle School

Learning Objectives

1. Students will conduct Internet research on the history of Ireland and the Irish in New Brunswick.

2. Students will create a rubric (set of rules or criteria) for evaluating information sources.

3. Students will learn how to create a story map depicting their understanding of the events in an Irish myth.

4. Students will create an artistic rendering of an Irish myth.

5. Students will research varied sources, and synthesize information to create a museum exhibit.

6. Students will explore Internet resources to compile information to create a mock news broadcast that summarizes their understanding of various aspects of ancient Ireland.

Bookmark the following sites:

Another New Ireland Lost: The Irish of New Brunswick by Peter Toner

Almost a Bad as Ireland by James M. Whalen

Saint John, New Brunswick – the Irish Story

Who Were the Celts?

Mythical Ireland

Ancient Music Ireland

Lesson Plan Two

Irish Cultural Explorations in New Brunswick

Grade Level: Middle School


Making the past “come to life” is an important tool for engaging students in the Middle School age group in the study of history, heritage, social development and other social science disciplines. In this module students will read selected essays within the Irish Trail section of the ICCANB website and suggested links, then participate in activities designed to further their understanding of the subject material while strengthening their skill sets across various learning disciplines. The suggested activities are designed to encourage creativity while enhancing the students’ skill sets and confidence in presentation methodologies.

Lesson Plan Two contains the following sections:

Learning Objectives

Standards

Procedures for Teachers:

– Background Activities

– Activity One

– Activity Two

– Activity Three

– Extension Activity

March 1903 – A Month in the Life of Angella Riordan


Submitted by Donna Hicks

 

This is just an excerpt of the diary. The full diary will be published in hard copy at a later date. To correspond with me regarding the diary, or to ask about anything you see here in this excerpt, please e-mail me at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Angella Riordan was born Oct. 24, 1880, in North Teteagouche, New Brunswick. When first settled by the Irish, the community was called Kinsale. Her father was Daniel Riordan and her mother was Mary-Ann Hall (there were relatives in the town of Bathurst). The house that she grew up in still stands in the Upper Settlement. It was built in 1857 (a stamp of the year can be seen on one of the roof beams).

The house is occupied by one of Dan and Mary’s grandsons, Jim Boyle. The homestead of the Halls still stands as well, up the road from Boyle’s. It is a working farm, and is owned by Margie and Peter DeGraaf. Judging by the style of the construction, this house is likely the oldest of three in Teteagouche, the second-oldest being Powercroft, the original homestead of the Powers. Angella Riordan married Alexander Kelley (Kelly now) whose family lived in the lower settlement. She married him a few years after the diary was written and by that time, being around the ripe old age of 25 or more, was considered an old maid in the standard of the day.

The Kellys lived in the part of Kinsale that some of us still refer to as Kelly’s Hill. When Sandy’s father and grandfather first settled, it was in a dirt-floored log cabin at the foot of the hill, close by a spring , but not on the bank of the river where the Mic’Macq usually had their cabins at various locations spread out up and down the river. The Kellys had walked up from the Miramichi to reach their land grant, with one son already born. The Boyles had disembarked in Caraquet, having sailed from Sligo, in either 1837 or 1947. The Halls were United Empire Loyalists from Saint John. To have been able to build a cabin in time for winter’s arrival was not a ‘luxury’ that all the settlers had. The O’Connels were taken in by the French in Petit Rocher in order to survive and one of the Wheltons recounts a story of how his ancestors had to turn the root end of a spruce blowdown into a shelter at Black Rock or thereabouts, in what is referred to as the Downshore area on the Baie de Chaleurs. A few of the names found in the areas on and around our Bay are matches for names that can be found in County Cork: Kinsale, Bandon, Youghall, Black River, Canobie.

This diary excerpt is from 1903, when Angella was 22 years old:

MARCH

March 1st Sunday: A wild gale blew last night but it must have been very soft wind for the snow looked scarcer this morning. The roads are too soft to go to Mass. Water came into the cellar and caused quite a disturbance. Bob came down this evening for a while. Not a very suitable evening for a drive.

March 2nd Mon.: Election day. Amos and Father went down. I sent for some lemons and candy. Weather cold again and roads bad being broken up where soft. Still knitting.

March 3rd, Tuesday: The most important news today informs us that the election of the old members and the most important event is the arrival of Bill Ford. We were so well entertained that we almost forgot to go to bed.

March 4th, Wed.: We spent quite a pleasant day listening to accounts of old times. Bob came down in the morning. I went down the road with Wm in the afternoon to Dan’s and to John Murphy’s. Dan came up in the evening.

March 5th, Thursday: I got up early this morning but still did not get much knitting done to-day. Ma (?) is getting tired of it. M(?)A Boyle came down this evening and stayed for tea. Ed. And Bob came for her. Mr Ford was away all day came back at night.

March 6th, Friday: We had two calls from Bob to-day. Amos went to town and brought home candy & so forth for Mr. Ford’s cold. He made some calls but was home early.

March 7th, Satur.: The quilt is finished or at least the knitting is done but it still has to be sewed together. Amos was down again to-day. Mike O’Kane came up to tell us it was his birthday. Ed. Boyle came down and took Mr. Ford up home.

March 8th, Sunday: Another soft day. Amos and Maggie went to Mass. Mr. Ford came home in the evening. Later Mr. K called. Was up to Mary’s today and saw a nice piece of carpenters work.

March 9th, Monday: Amos and Mr. Ford left us today to go to Clifton. A beautiful soft day. Maggie went to Boyle’s to stay all night with Mary as Bill is away to Peter’s River for sand. Bill arrived home later and so did Maggie.

March 10th, Tues.: J.P. called this afternoon with wood that her papa wished to see me. Maggie went up with me in the evening. We get a drive from Mary’s up with Bob. Saw some pretty fancy work and settled my account for teaching. Amos has not returned yet.

March 11th, Wednes.: Amos and Mr. F came home to day and got pretty wet on the road. It rained quite hard. Dan Ford came up and brought the handsled.

March 12th, Thurs.: I went to Boyle’s this morning accompanied by Wm and stayed till afternoon. Amos went to Peter’s River for sand with Ed. Bob came down in the evening. They piled the boards that were in the kitchen on sleds to take down in the morning. This is the night Uncle Tom’s cabin is to be played in town & I almost regret having refused an offer to go. The night is perfectly bright and beautiful.

March 15th, Sun.: I had enough outing today to make up for the winter. First I went to church (most important event was death of Ed. Boyle) then up to Mary’s afterwards back to the brook on the crust and last but not least I went driving with Mr. K, Amos & B.F. Went to Alexander’s.

March 16th, Mon.: I began a mat today after washing was done. Mrs. B Power & Janie came in the morning. B.F. went down to Dempsey’s & Dan drove him home in the evening. Dan Ford was in too but I was away. Mary & I went to see Mar B And Maggie kept house.

March 17th, Tuesday: Spent the day hooking a mat. Mr. Ford left us this morning. Amos took him to town and went to mass also. No callers to-day.

March 18th, Wed.: Amos went to town again this morning & brought Bart down to spend the day. Mrs. F Roy and Libby M. Call in the afternoon. Nellie Bee & Zita Power at night but I missed the pleasure of their company as I was up at Mary’s. This is her birthday I offered her a present but she refused it though she accepted Amos’ – a pair of kid gloves. We made some fudge.

March 19th, Thurs.: Amos went for sand again. We finished a mat (with the leaves and sticks on it). Dan Ford called.

March 20th, Friday: Some snow fell today but not very much. Still soft weather. Amos brought another load of sand. Dan arrived home this afternoon from the woods looking and feeling well. I made a shirt and trimmed part of my quilt.

March 21st, Satur.: Maggie went for the mail when Amos went for sand but got only Good Liter. Mother put another mat in the frames to-day. Dan Ford came up in the evening.

March 22nd, Sun.: Amos and Dan went to church to-day. I went up to Mary’s in the morning and stayed till after dinner. I was just ready for home when Bob arrived. When I got home I found we had visitors. Mrs. Kelley & Ed. They stayed for tea and afforded much pleasure. Later A. Kelley called and we had some private conversation.

March 23rd, M.: Amos began to take logs to Alex’s mill to-day. I startled Mary by a very early call this morning. I went for a bar of soap for washing. It is snowing this evening.

March 24th, Tues.: There was not much snow fell but it is still wet and dirty. We worked at the mat all day. Mary Kane called or was sent for certain patterns. Dan went up to Boyles to-night.

March 25th, Wed.: Dan went to town this morning with Bill Boyle to get his money and bought a pair of rubbers. Saw John Maloney who had just come home. Also F. Hegg. And P. Burke. We heard today that Bishop Rogers had died on the 21st. Dan Ford was in to-night. We finished the 2nd mat and began the 3rd today.

March 26th, Thur.: Nothing worth recording.

March 27th, Friday: Finished another mat today. Went up to Mary’s in the evening to engage passage to town tomorrow. Bob & Mary are at the house when I come home. Bob leaves his sled and takes our sleigh.

March 28th, Satur.: The boys started off very early this morning to the mill and I prepared to go to town. Started about noon. I bought some red velvet for a waist-cloth for a skirt sateen and several other things. Spent $9.00 in all. Mary & I spent the night at Uncle Edward’s & went to first mass in the town in the morning.

March 29th, Sun: Wil Hall came over to our church with us this morning. Father was down. In the afternoon we were coasting and again in the evening with Bridget Annie and Jor Boyle. Bob was in too.

March 30th, Mon.: Mother and Amos went to town today. Ma went to see Sister Martina. Bob was in for a while. Dan went back with logs and Maggie took Bert up to see his relations.

March 31st, Tues.: We washed to-day and I got a toothache. I might have gone to Dempsey’s but for the. Guss Calnan Came with the tickets.

Further Notes

Patrick’s Landing was the name of upper South Teteagouche at the time. Other place names in the diary are Clifton and Stonehaven (downshore), Belledune (upshore, where there may have been hall relatives)). Spelling of last names is flexible, for example: Doran/Durane; Meighen/Miahen/Meahen; Kelley (which shifted to Kelly); Doust (Doucet, Doucett); Hashey/Hachey; Malowney/Maloney; Kane/O’Kane. There are names of people in the diary who do not live in the community, such as the doctor, the Bishop (Rogers), the agent, Mr. Branch, Maggie Hall(lived in town), Sister Philomene, Sister Martina, Miss McKenna, Kent, Eddy (also a family of Irish immigrants), Mrs. Kearney, S. Williamson.

Branscombe, Hinton and McIntyre. With some of the names one cannot tell if they lived in Kinsale or not: Mrs. Melvin, for example. With the French neighbours, they may have been on some of the back lots or in some of the very nearby communities of Lugar, Ste. Louise, Dunlop. I do not know where Sadie Wells (who marries Nick Hashey) came from. P. Foley comes from across the river where the Foleys ancestors settled.

 
The descendants of Angella Riordan and Alexander (Sandy) Kelly are spread far and wide, from New York State, California, London (England), British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario, Nova Scotia and PEI. In New Brunswick there remains only 5: two Hickses (Debbie Sisk, in Miramichi and her two sons), Donna Hicks (Bathurst-North Teteagouche), Tim Kelly (Beresford), Stephen Kelly (South Teteagouche), and John Kelly (North Teteagouche). Those far-flung ones join the ranks of earlier generations of the family who also left North Teteagouche (for example, all of Sandy’s brothers and sisters, most of whom went to the States, Ohio, Boston, etc.) Very few of those Irish names that were found up and down the settlement of Kinsale are to be found there now . Still, there are Heggartys, Powers, Boyles, and Kellys.

A Hard Life Surely: The Role of Women in Rural Irish Communities

By Linda Evans

“A man may work from sun to sun,

But a woman’s work is never done.”
This snippet sums up woman’s place within rural Irish communities in New Brunswick in the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Essentially an agrarian subsistence economy, out of necessity and due to isolation, the division of labour on farms in Irish communities relegated women to a life of drudgery and a lonely life it was as well.

There was a time in Ireland when women were not only equal to men – but also highly revered and respected. Centuries of Christianity and its patriarchal ministrations had reduced woman’s place in society to one of subservience and submissiveness.

By the 19th century and the age of emigration, the division of labour on an Irish farm was hardly equal and favoured men entirely. Men’s responsibilities – preparing the field for sowing, harvesting, peat gathering and farm repairs hardly equalled women’s responsibilities which included planting and tending the crop and animals, gathering the crops, preserving the crops, feeding and clothing and tending the family, plus the inconveniences of child bearing and all that inferred. Men, without question, had more leisure time than women. This pattern would cross the sea with the wave of emigration in the first half of the nineteenth century and be exasperated by the difficult life of backbreaking homesteading tasks awaiting an Irish family in the New World.

Most Irish communities in New Brunswick were tucked away on lands that were isolated from the rest of the colony’s established society. This isolation led to subsistence farming based on self-sufficiency – most things were produced on the farm for home consumption and very little was sold or purchased for their needs.

“A backwoods farm,” wrote an English observer, “produces everything wanted for the table, except tea, rice and salt and spices. To the list of supplementals could be added occasional dry goods, shoes and metal for farm implements.”1

This statement certainly holds true for the early Irish settler farms in New Brunswick. William Dunn, of Melrose purchased very little for his family over a six-month period at a local general store in 1899. His account listed figs of tobacco, moccasins, oats, seed potatoes, a harness and county taxes ($1.66).2


As families settled into a farming lifestyle throughout the New Brunswick wilderness, a true division of labour developed and men and women performed different tasks on the family farm. Farmers worked by the seasons – and the number of daylight hours regulated a workday.
 
Homesteading and farming was difficult work and men indeed worked hard. What a daunting task it must have been to arrive on a land grant and see the enormity of the task before them. Trees had to be felled, and the land cleared. Most of men’s tasks on the farm required heavy labour. Men were responsible for the ploughing and harvesting as well as the upkeep of tools, wagons and other farming equipment. Men also kept the barns clean – laying down straw and hauling manure. Farm maintenance was also a priority and included the barn, barnyard, fencing, ditching and trenching, and work on the woodlots and the stocking of firewood for the winter months.

By no means were men the ‘breadwinners’ of this economy. Both women and men actively participated in the production of family subsistence…indeed women were engaged in from one-third to one-half of all food production on the farm. Of the farm staples – milk, meat, vegetables, and eggs – women produced the greater numbers of products and division of labour. Women were also likely to be found helping men with their portion at peak planting time [plus] all the household work and care of the children. To be sure, men and women alike worked hard to make their farms produce. But one cannot avoid being struck by the enormousness of women’s workload.3

Also, where men generally only worked in daylight, women continued to work well into the evenings despite poor light in the farmhouse.

The unequal division of labour is easily seen when the list of “woman’s chores” is reviewed.

Outside of the farmhouse, women were responsible for:

– Planting, tending and harvesting of the kitchen garden.
– Assisting with the seeding and harvesting of grain crops.
– Maintaining the henhouse, including feeding hens, collecting eggs and slaughtering chickens.
– Maintaining the dairy including the milking, and feeding of the cows.
– Gathering of wood from the woodpile.
– Threshing of buckwheat, corn and flax.

Inside the farmhouse, women:

– Prepared, preserved, and cooked all farm produce, including jams, pickles, but also butter. Most preserving occurred during the hottest months of the year and required a very hot stove for sterility purposes.
– After slaughtering, prepared cuts of meat – either by smoking, drying or salting and made sausages.
– Had the complete responsibility for the manufacture, care and repair of family clothing. This included creating homespun cloth as well as spinning and carding wool for knitting and patching and reshaping worn clothing, blankets and bed ticks (mattresses).
– Making of homemade lye soap and tallow candles.
– Responsible for bringing water in from outside wells – a backbreaking task on Monday washing day and tediously difficult at the best of times.
– Also responsible for all household chores – from simple housecleaning and family meals to laundry, and even removing ashes from the stove and fireplace.
– Supervision and schooling of children.

A farmer was said to be a ‘jack of all trades’. But women’s work outdistanced men’s in the sheer variety of tasks performed. Add to this the added burden of childbearing. It is no surprise that women suffered so many stillbirths and miscarriages during the pioneer years.

There was an added factor which certainly came into play for Irish women in New Brunswick communities. Subsistence farming was okay for daily food requirements but some monies still had to come in to the household for other necessary items. To acquire this much needed extra cash, men often worked away from the farm for long periods at a time – leaving the women at home to cope with all of the farm chores – adding her husband’s chores to her own already taxing duties.

Mary (Murphy) Hennessy lived on McLaughlin Road, about 10 km north of Moncton, near Irishtown. Isolated, she also carried the burden of the farm work on her own for much of the year. In 1908, she wrote in her journal that her husband Jim was away in January and came home in February ‘to insulate the walls [on the new house]. He then ‘left 2 March and worked in Moncton’. He was ‘home for a week in June to help put in the crop” and he left again. And then she noted ‘Jim home three weeks in August and started back to work [in Moncton] 31 August. [He was] through work the first week of November.4

Isolated from family, friends and even close neighbours, Mary Hennessy’s husband was only home for 8 weeks from January to November that year – and she with two small children to care for as well.

Nor is this an isolated case. In many homes, this way of life was indeed the norm. Except in planting and harvesting seasons, men were away for several months at a time. An examination of the parish records for Irishtown births throughout the from 1890 to 1910 show a significant rise in births nine months after the planting season and again nine months after harvest. In the months in-between there are significantly fewer births.5 Clearly, the men were away from home more than they were home.

Running the farm by themselves was indeed challenging. However it was loneliness bred from the isolation that truly preyed on their minds. Adapting to this new isolation was particularly difficult because in Ireland, these women lived in close-knit neighbourhood communities – clusters of houses densely packed together and filled with family and friends – and this network of social contact was especially important when times were tough.

In pioneer communities in New Brunswick farms were surveyed out in 100-acre lots or more and neighbours were a good distance away – especially through long winter nights. Catherine Parr Trail, speaking of the experience in Ontario said:

“One of our greatest inconveniences arises from the badness of our roads, and the distance at which we are placed from any village.”6

Isolation bred loneliness and loneliness bred cabin fever or out-right insanity. Nearly every community had someone who would be jokingly referred to as a “Batty Betty”. Left to their own devises on the homestead while the men were away for months at a time took incredible strength and most did manage the stress and difficult way of life but it couldn’t have been easy. Children, raised almost exclusively by their mothers, generally held their mothers in high regard – all the days of their lives. Their fathers, they barely knew at all.

Disease and death took their toll in most of these communities as well. When one’s wife died, husbands usually quickly remarried to provide stability to the family. Those that did not remarry barely coped. One keen observer of the day labelled it “frenzied grief”.

“ [In Johnville] a poor fellow had become mad, his insanity attributed to the loss of his young wife, whose death left him a despairing widower with four infant children. He had just been conveyed to the lunatic asylum, and his orphans had already been taken by the neighbours, and made part of their families.”7

The difficulties faced by women in the pioneer Irish communities can be easily understood by studying any family where death visited and took a spouse. Sara Donahoe of Irishtown married John McKelvie of Memramcook in 1881. They were married for 14 years when he was accidentally killed by a train in Memramcook in 1895. By this time, Sara had already given birth to seven children and three had died in infancy. She then married Richard Anketell of Tankville six years later and had six more children over an eight-year period.8

Life was not all drudgery and hard labour in these isolated Irish communities. Winters provided the best road conditions – frozen roads and fields shortened the journey by sleigh. Weddings often occurred in the winter months – because that was the only ‘down-time’ on a farm. Also, visitors often came at this time of the year as well and sometimes stayed for long periods of time. Women also gathered in winter for quilting bees and socials – weather permitting. But most winters were long and lonely. Mary Hennessy’s diary is often preoccupied with three items through the lonely winter months – weather, cold and road conditions. Summers were often too busy for socializing but after the harvest was in, there were ‘basket socials’ to raise money, or numerous dances – often held in a neighbourhood home or the local school. Women looked forward to church activities not only because they were devoted to their faith, but also as a means of socialization. Mary Hennessy noted in her journal in 1907 that she was depressed because mass – only said every third Sunday of the month – had been cancelled three months in a row because of bad weather and a smallpox scare.9

Life was indeed trying for pioneer Irish women as they carved out a place for themselves in the new colony. It was a difficult life. Despite the drudgery, life was still cherished. Despite the problems, depravities and loneliness, life was still ten times better here in the colony compared to the life they would have led as a tenant farmer’s wife in Ireland.

Mrs. Creehan, originally of Galway, settled in Johnville and was interviewed by British MP John Francis Maguire in 1868. She and her husband were tenant farmers and had been pushed off their land by their landlord in Galway. When asked about her life here she said:

“Thrue for you, sir, it was lonely for us, and not a living soul near us.”

The interviewer continued, asking, “But Mrs. Creehan, I suppose you don’t regret coming here?” And she responded:

“’Deed then no, sir, not a bit of it…we have plenty to ate and drink…and no one to take it from us…And, sir, if you ever happen to go to Galway and see Mr. _______, [the landlord] you may tell him for me…in my mind, t’was lucky the day he took our turf and the sayweed.”10

Mrs. Creehan was speaking of her own experiences but in many ways she spoke for most pioneer women in Irish communities throughout New Brunswick.
__________________________________________________

[1] ohn Francis Maguire, MP, The Irish in America, London, Longmans, Green & Co, 1868

[2] The storeowner was also the local tax collector. J.D. Lane, Accounts Book, General Store, Bayfield NB, Unpublished, 1895-1902.

[3]Farragher, p. 59.

[4] Mary Hennessy, Personal Diary, Unpublished 1881-1953.

[5] ______, Parish records, St Anselme Roman Catholic Church and St Bernard’s Roman Catholic Church, Moncton.

[6] Catherine Parr Trail, The Backwoods of Canada, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1966, p. 53.

[7] John Francis Maguire, MP, The Irish in America, London, Longmans, Green & Co, 1868, p. 68.

[8] Birth, marriage and death records, St Anselme and St Bernard’s parishes – various entries.

[9] Mary Hennessy, Personal Diary, Unpublished 1881-1953.

[10] John Francis Maguire, p. 62.

John Mack Farragher, Women and Men on the Overland Trail, New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1979, p. 45.

 
BIBLIOGRAPHY
 
 
______, Birth, Marriage and Death records, St Anselme Roman Catholic Parish, Dieppe, NB. Microfilm, Centre d’Études Acadiennes, Librarie Champlain, Université de Moncton.

______, Birth, Marriage and Death records, St Bernard’s Roman Catholic Parish, Moncton, NB. Microfilm, Centre d’Études Acadiennes, Librarie Champlain, Université de Moncton.

Farragher, John Mack, Women and Men on the Overland Trail, New Haven, Conn, Yale University Press, 1979.

Hennessy, Mary (Murphy), Personal Diary, Unpublished 1881-1953.

Lane, J.D. Account Book, General Store, Bayfield NB, Unpublished, 1895-1902.

Maguire, John Francis, MP, The Irish in America, London, Longmans, Green & Co, 1868.

Trail, Catherine Parr, The Backwoods of Canada, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1966.

Thomas W. Riordan and his Grist, Carding and Sawmills
From Disadvantage in County Cork, Ireland
To Small Industry in Gloucester County, New Brunswick, Canada

By Greg Riordan


Thomas W. Riordon was born in Pokeshaw, New Brunswick (a portion of which was called Riordon for some time) on March 12th, 1867 to John Joseph Riordon Jr. and Ellen (Walsh) Riordon. His father (J. J. Riordon Jr.) was born at the same place in 1837, being the son of Irish Immigrants, John Riordon Sr. and Johanna Leahy. John Riordon Sr. (the immigrant) was one of four boys; Patrick, John, James and Matthew, all of whom crossed the Atlantic from Ireland to North America some time between 1820 and 1825. The exact place of residence and the socio-economic status of the Riordons immediately prior to their departure from Ireland is not known. As to date, investigations have not revealed precise information.

A biography of Archbishop Patrick William Riordon, second Archbishop of San Francisco does provide some insight however. Patrick William Riordon was the eldest son of Matthew who is believed to be the youngest of the aforesaid four brothers. Matthew appears to have arrived in Canada several years later than the three other brothers and initially settled in the Miramichi area (rather than on the south shore of the Bay of Chaleur as his brothers did) where he married one Molly Dunne. Shortly thereafter, he and family moved to Chicago with other members of the Dunne family where the young Patrick entered the seminary and began what was to become a somewhat pivotal role in the early Roman Catholic Church of the Western United States.

The biography, written in 1965 by Reverend James P. Gaffey suggests that the Riordons lived in Kinsale prior to departure. This coincides with what has been passed down orally through the successive generations of descendants of John Riordon Sr. The proposition that Matthew was a tradesman (shipwright) and therefore quite employable also coincides with family oral story. There is no mention either in the biography or in family folklore as to what the other three brothers might have been engaged in before departure from Ireland, nor what might have instigated their immigration to Canada.

In the aforementioned biography, Reverend Gaffey does quite eloquently describe the extremely disadvantaged state of Ireland and its native people. He describes the effects of the end of the Napoleonic Wars, centuries of confiscations of Irish Lands by the English from the largely agrarian Irish people, the penal laws and the crippling collection of tithes for the established Church of England. The basic derangement of the Irish economy and the rapid growth of the Irish population in the early 1800s created a crisis. Vast estates were in the hands of foreign landlords and remaining lands were divided and subdivided into a multitude of holdings so small that the native farmer could barely survive. Reverend Gaffey quoted Sir Walter Scott who described the condition of the average Irish farmer at the time:

There is much less exaggeration about the peasantry than might be imagined. Their poverty is no exaggeration; it is on the extreme verge of human misery; their cottages scarce serve for pig styes even in Scotland; and their rags seem the very refuge of a sheep, and are overspread on their bodies with such ingenious variety of wretchedness that you would think nothing but some sort of perverted taste could have assembled so many shreds together.


Again, it is not known where the Riordons fit into this mosaic, though one might assume that their position was not one of utter despair as they were able to buy passage to North America. No doubt the political stagnation and the relentless economic constrictions that clouded the breadth of Ireland gave birth to the waves of Irish Immigration after 1815 in which the Riordons found themselves.

Certainly, at the outset, life in Canada was not easy. John Riordon Sr. settled next to his brother Patrick in Pokeshaw where they began establishing clearings in the hope of obtaining land grants. The following quote from an 1833 Land Grant petition submitted on behalf of 36 of Pokeshaw’s original settlers, including Patrick Riordon, John Riordon Sr.’s brother, aptly describes the plight of Pokeshaw’s initial inhabitants. (It should be noted that many of the 36 had petitioned for their lands before this time).

“Your Excellency’s petitioners having been neighbours in the land of their birth were naturally desirous of continuing so in this country and having heard of this desolute and lonely tract from which the face of mankind appeared to be averted, they, in a body attempted a settlement upon it, trusting that by reciprocal acts of support and assistance they might in time surmount those obstacles which have too long deterred individual enterprises. Ignorant of the rigours of the climate and nearly destitute of the means of procuring those common necessities of life which they had then scarcely learned to want, their sufferings in a trackless wilderness far distant from any habitation of man may be easily conceived, they cannot trouble your Excellency with a recital of what they endured, suffice to say that several of the old people and some of the children perished during the first winters.
Your petitioners by dint of hard labour and industry have at length in some measure subdued the wilderness, their clearances are now sufficient for the support of their families, and they have lately entered into arrangements for the support of a schoolmaster, nor have they been negligent of those duties which they owe to their King and County. Your petitioners during the last nine yeas have cheerfully performed their Militia duty and Statue labour and paid their proportion of all rates and assessments for country and parish charges, participating (until lately) in the provincial appropriations only to the extent of a few small sums to offset in cutting passages down the cliffs.”1


In 1839, John Riordon Sr. who had been living next to his brother Patrick and who had been working in co-operation with Patrick, applied for 100 acres next to him. Fortunately, with his petition, he was assisted by William End, a Justice of the Peace in Bathurst whom, it is reported, had been a champion of Irish and Acadian efforts. Mr. End added the following remark to John Riordon Sr.’s petition:

“I cannot refrain from laying the case of this unfortunate petitioner before his Excellency. He has a sickly wife and seven children all dependent on his labour. About four years ago he was caught in a snow storm and had both feet so frozen that all of his toes dropped off. In this condition, he continued to cultivate his clearance for the support of his family. He got a little better and at length was able to go into the woods for firewood. While there employed, a tree fell upon him and broke his left arm. Far removed from proper assistance, he lingered a long time under this injury and his feet again became very troublesome. He is a hard working and sober man and determined to die rather than apply for aid to the parish. When his arm began to mend, his feet still continued so painful that he was for several months, unable to stand. Notwithstanding this accumulation of misery, he has persisted in supporting his family and, as I am credibly informed he has frequently been seen at the earliest dawn of day assisted by his eldest child, a girl of ten, on his knees, his left arm bound up, hoeing his potatoes with the right, unable either to stand or use his left arm.”2


In time, with perseverance and hard work, progress was made and self-sufficient farms were established. The business of clearing lands, raising crops and livestock, building houses and barns was all consuming during those years. Survival dictated their industry. Unfortunately, their initially weak socio-economic status, their reluctance to promote and infringe on others and the overbearing influence of the neighbouring cultures, dictated the gradual demise of their own language and many of their cultural niceties, just as was the Irish experience in the remainder of the Province.

In 1852, John Riordon Sr. conveyed one acre of his land where the Pokeshaw River crossed his Grant, to a William Boltenhouse.3 Mr. Boltenhouse purchased three acres from Patrick Riordon’s neighbouring lot (also where the Pokeshaw River crosses) in 1853.4 It is said that Mr. Boltenhouse was a close descendant of the Yorkshire settlers who established themselves in the Sackville area of New Brunswick during the latter half of the 18 century. In any event, Mr. Boltenhouse apparently had the capital to construct a saw and grist mill on the property purchased from the Riordon’s which he operated for the better part of a decade. Following William Boltenhouse’s death in 1860, Boltenhouse’s descendants transferred the Mills and mill property to Thomas and Richard Dempsey5 and Richard Dempsey conveyed his ½ interest to Thomas Dempsey in 1880.6 Both Dempseys were descendants of Irish Immigrants. In 18887 the Mill site returned to the ownership of the Riordon family along with the dam, the mill buildings and machinery. They were purchased in the name of Thomas W. Riordon; however, there were resources required for such an acquisition and such were provided for by his father, John J. Riordon Jr. as Thomas would only have been 21 years of age at the time.

Young Thomas W. Riordon began learning the business and operating the mill soon after the purchase. Unfortunately, within a year or so disaster struck. The Mills, the adjacent road bridge and the dam burned to the ground.

Thomas W. Riordon was somewhat discouraged. However, at the urging of his father, his neighbours and the local parish priest, he decided to rebuild. With the help of his father and neighbours who were aware of the advantage of a local mill, construction began. Two “post and beam” buildings were constructed. Family oral tradition holds that a civil war veteran, Patrick McKernin, was the principal carpenter. It is said that all of the frame pieces were cut, squared and mortised in the forest with assembly taking place later at the site. One building was finished on the exterior as finely as a home; this one housed a three story gristmill and a large carding machine. Each story of the grist mill building was packed with machinery used in the different phases of flour production and consisted of over twenty tons of shafts, turbines and rollers. Being inside the mill was like being at the center of a sprawling tangle of shafts, conveyor belts, chutes and collector bins. Before the wheat was ground into flour, it traveled from the bottom floor to the top three times. Advanced for its time, the grist mill used metal rollers rather than mill stones to grind the wheat and water driven turbines rather than water wheels to supply the water power. The mill equipment was built to be aesthetic as well as functional. Each piece of equipment was carefully painted and shaped in an almost sculpture-like fashion. The manufacturer name “Greey’s” of Toronto appeared in several places on the machinery written with italic grandeur along with its patent date, being 1888. It is obvious that the machinery and equipment was very advanced for its time, especially in rural New Brunswick given the date of its patent and the date of its installation at the Riordon Mill site (early 1890s). The carding machine, on the upper floor, also powered by the same turbine, was as technologically advanced at the grist mill and somewhat massive in weight and size.

The second building housed the sawmill which included a long lumber left-handed carriage, cut-off saws, a lathe machine and a shingle mill. That equipment was initially powered by a twin set of water wheel turbines, 22 feet in diameter and 14 feet in width. These were replaced some 36 years later by a much smaller and more efficient steel turbine. The new dam was constructed of cedar cribbage underneath with a smooth surface on the top water side. The water side consisted of 2 layers of 3 inch deal. Two pinstocks carried the water, one from the dam gate to the grist and carding mill building, the second to the sawmill building.

In 1891, Thomas W. Riordon married Mary Ann Barry of Pokemouche when he was 24 years old. With his wife, he proceeded to raise a family and to operate the mills which had become a going concern in the area. His father, John J. Riordon Sr. passed away in 1909 and Thomas assumed the operation of the whole Riordon farm which he expanded as time passed. In those days, horses provided the power utilized in the operation of a farm and logging business. A substantial portion of the land had been cleared and was continually being cleared and coming under cultivation. Much of this land was used to provide hay and grain for the horses. As with any other farm, the Riordon farm also raised cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry and mink. As part of a program established by the Department of Agriculture in the early 1900s, the Riordon farm was designated as an “Experimental Farm” where numerous yearly experiments in relation to crop varieties, fertilizers, crop rotation, cattle and horse breeding were sponsored and carried out. Annual field days attracting hundreds of farmers from throughout the County provided the opportunity for all to examine and discuss various farming practices and procedures. As for the mills, they attracted customers from across the County from as far away as Tetagouche and Petit-Rocher in the West to Miscou in the East. Customers arrived, and their horses were allowed to rest in a horse barn specifically provided for that purpose and in the event that the mill process could actually be carried out in short order, many customers from a distance were accommodated at the Riordon home overnight.

An excerpt, from the Gloucester County Council in 1902 was reproduced in the Le Courrier des provinces Maritimes on February 6th, 1902. It read:

“moved by Councilor Comeau and seconded by Councilor Branch in view of other flour mills in the county not being taxed, and that it was the express wish of the Council of 1899 and 1900 that it was right such industries should be exempted, that the assessors of the Parish of New Bandon be requested not to assess the Mill of T. W. Riordon in said Parish and that this exemption apply so long as the other flour mills are exempted in their respective parishes; and further, that the secretary-treasurer do and is hereby requested to attach a copy of this resolution to the warrant of assessment each year when sending said warrant to the assessors of the Parish of New Bandon. Carried.”

The mills of Thomas W. Riordon provided not only valuable services to a substantial portion of Gloucester County, but also provided employment. In the days when trees were cut with axes, cross-cut saws, and buck saws, substantial numbers of men were required in the woods. Many horses and expansive logging equipment were required to move the logs to the mill site. At the mill site, labour requirements were great as “fork lifts” did not exist and conveyor belts were primitive by today’s standard. Employees worked long hard hours and were paid not only in cash but also in kind from the General store operated by the Riordons.

Coincident with the farming and milling operation, Thomas W. Riordon became a dealer in several commodities. T he Caraquet railway was constructed in the late 1880’s and fortunately, the railway crossed the original Riordon Grant within 500 feet of the mills. Of course this allowed the shipment by railway of the products of the mill. Long lumber, railway ties, shingles and lathes were shipped by the boxcar load to various points for many years. The railway also allowed for the shipment of pulp wood to the Bathurst Power and Paper Company Pulp Mill in Bathurst constructed in 1916 along with potatoes purchased from many neighbouring farmers, Christmas trees, pit props destined for off shore markets and various other commodities.

A small migration in the 1920’s, typical of other similar migrations on New Brunswick’s north shore would affect the production of the Riordon water powered sawmill. Many communities in Northern New Brunswick were along the coast and their inhabitants depended largely on the fishing industry and the large companies controlling it. Moreover, many of those communities along with some inland communities became populated to the point where the strips of land originally settled and utilized in an agrarian fashion became divided and subdivided and in time became too small for the numbers living on them. Consequently, the Provincial Government with the support of the Catholic Clergy made inland tracts of land available to those who wished to relocate and become self-sufficient on adequate parcels of land. In the mid 1920’s, 25 to 30 families from nearby Saint-Léolin relocated to what is commonly known as Upper Black Rock Colony. The resettlement in this area involved the clearing of land, cutting of trees and the inevitable draining of fairly large tracts. Initially, the new settlement presented an opportunity for Thomas W. Riordon as most if not all of the buildings constructed in the new settlement were constructed with lumber and shingles that had been processed in his mill. General supplies and food stuffs were purchased through his store. Moreover, he was the principal purchaser of pulpwood, logs and farm produce from the new settlement and a number of its inhabitants were under his employee for substantial portions of each year. The new settlement however did present a problem. The Pokeshaw River originates in the area of the new settlement and due to the aforementioned settlement activities; the water level in the river was reduced drastically. During the dryer months of July, August and September, the water powered mill could often only operate until noon and even then, some days it could not be operated at all. This forced Thomas W. Riordon to explore other options and in 1928 along with several of his sons (he had nine sons and three daughters) he constructed a new mill building which was to house a saw, shingle and lathe mill on the south side of the original mill pond all powered by a large single piston steam engine. Much of the equipment in the mill had been used previously as it was purchased from a pre-existing mill operated by the Dumas’ in Grande-Anse and some pieces were purchased from the Sutherland Mill in Pokemouche. The steam powered mill had substantial production capacity and the long lumber carriage and saw had the capacity to cut logs up to three (3) feet in diameter. Adjacent to the steam mill, a small house was constructed to house a night watchman who maintained fire in the fire box so that steam could be produced to power the engine at the beginning of each 8 am. workday. The steam powered mill was operated for many years and for a number of years when the water level of the Pokeshaw River allowed, the steam powered mill and the water powered sawmill operated concurrently.

The grist mill was not operated beyond 1914. Large commercial operations had the ability to supply even rural New Brunswick with more refined flour by that time. The “opening” of the western provinces and their ability to produce grain along with the expansion of the railway impacted greatly on the production of grain in the Maritime provinces. Moreover, advancing technology outdated the Riordon grist mill and parts became difficult to replace.

Thomas W. Riordon passed away in 1939 at the age of 72 and Mary Anne passed away in 1942 also at 72 years of age. The sawmills were operated for a number of years after the latter’s death by their sons; however, as time passed pulpwood sales became the principal source of livelihood along with various agricultural commodities. As with the grist mill earlier, both the water powered saw mill and the steam powered mill became outdated. They could not compete with the large modern mills in the big centers. Eventually, the mills fell into complete disuse and presently the descendants of Thomas W. Riordon operate a relatively large and modern dairy farm on the original Riordon farm. In the early nineteen eighties, the grist mill building and machinery, along with the carding machine, which had fallen into a state of disrepair, were purchased for little more than a nominal figure by the Province of New Brunswick for refurbishment and reconstruction at the Acadian Village. Both the building and each part of each machine were completely disassembled and painstakingly repaired and reassembled to their original condition at the Acadian Village in Caraquet.

Today, it forms a major component of the attractions at the Acadian Village. Its history, though not properly recognized, is partially provided orally by the Village staff if requested.

To the passerby, driving by the Riordon farm, he or she would not be aware of the industry that once took place there. Neither would they be aware of the contribution of the mills that were there to the development of not only the small and immediate communities in the vicinity but to New Brunswick’s north shore in general and of the contribution of those who worked and supplied them. Certainly, the industry created and operated by John Joseph Riordon and Thomas W. Riordon was small in comparison to the larger industries in bigger centers. Small industries of this kind however at one time dotted rural New Brunswick in its entirety. Stories of this nature can be written by the hundreds for each and every one of those little industries. There is no doubt that those little industries in New Brunswick formulated a major portion of the foundation of New Brunswick’s development and contributed in large part to the raising of generations of New Brunswickers, many of whom had roots in Ireland and many of whom have left our province and who have and continue to contribute to the development of vast regions of Canada.


[1] Land Petition Records, Provincial Archives of New Brunswick.
[2] Land Petition Records, Provincial Archives of New Brunswick
[3] Gloucester County Records, Volume 5, page 586.
[4] Ibid. p. 443.
[5] Ibid. Volume 23, p. 479.
[6] Gloucester County Records, Volume 28, p. 163.
[7] Ibid. Volume 33, p, 916, No. 415.